Today, Trump's orientation may well constitute a ray of hope for Lebanese Christians to reinforce their presence and protect their political rights.
Trump's recent positions did not emerge in a vacuum; they align with a series of statements and decisions reflecting explicit defense of Christians and their values. The president has repeatedly told conservatives he knows they are under siege, pledging that one of his first actions in office would be to form a task force to root out bias against Christians. Indeed, Trump announced his intention to sign an executive order directing the Attorney General to establish a federal task force to confront discrimination against Christians within government agencies. The goal: to end all forms of targeting and bias against Christians in the federal government. This unprecedented step affirms that protecting believers has become official policy.
Trump has also stressed that religious freedom is a core part of American identity and must be defended globally. In one of his UN speeches, he called on governments worldwide to end the persecution of the faithful, declaring, "America stands with believers in every nation who simply seek the freedom to live according to their faith." He reminded the world that defending religious freedom has always been a priority of his foreign policy, highlighting his administration's role in launching an international alliance to protect freedom of belief. At home, he reassured Christians that his administration would safeguard their right to practice their faith and identity without fear or discrimination, often repeating, "We will defend American Christians and respect their faith," while describing Christianity as "under siege" and in need of protection. He did not shy away from restoring religious expressions in the public sphere -- such as openly celebrating Christmas -- as part of resisting what he calls the erosion of America's spiritual identity.
Other administration officials echoed this commitment. Vice President J.D. Vance affirmed that the administration would continue prioritizing religious freedom both domestically and abroad. Vance recalled that during Trump's first term, the US supported persecuted believers worldwide, rescuing imprisoned pastors and aiding religious groups terrorized by the Islamic State (ISIS). He stressed that the administration sees the defense of religious freedom not only as a legal principle but as "a living reality inside our borders and beyond." Together, these positions outline a clear narrative: the United States under Trump presents itself as an open champion of Christians worldwide and a defender of religious freedom as a pillar of a free and secure world.
A Historic Opportunity for Lebanon's Christians?
In light of this American shift, Lebanese Christians find themselves before a rare moment not seen in decades. The momentum generated by the Trump Administration in defense of Christian existence could serve as leverage for long-sought projects aimed at strengthening their status and securing their future in a country defined by multiple sects, agendas, and rivalries. Political and spiritual leaders of Lebanon's Christians must seize this moment with prudence and responsibility. Trump has raised the stakes by pledging to stand against prejudice toward Christians and by signaling his administration's readiness to defend them. The ball is now in the court of Lebanese Christian leaders, foremost the Maronite Patriarchate and major political actors such as the Lebanese Forces, to meet Washington halfway.
First, the Christian community must unify its vision and internal ranks around a clear political project that demonstrates to the world, and to Washington in particular, what Lebanese Christians truly seek. Long divided, Lebanon's Christians cannot expect external support to bear fruit without presenting a coordinated or at least coherent position. The federal project now circulating in Christian circles could become a key card in this context. The concept, which calls for redistributing power in Lebanon through a federal system granting each community greater self-rule and security, enjoys wide backing among Christians.
From this standpoint, Christian leaders must articulate a vision for federalism, confederalism, or another form of self-governance in terms of shared Lebanese and American interests, placing it on both the domestic and international agenda. The Maronite Church, in particular, can play a unifying role, having recently championed the concept of Lebanon's neutrality from regional conflicts as a means of protection. The "positive neutrality" advanced by Patriarch Bechara al-Rai could represent a first step toward new political arrangements and perhaps open the path to a federal solution, as some experts have suggested. The Patriarchate and leading Christian forces should together draft a reformist roadmap, beginning with the expanded decentralization outlined in the Taif Accord as a preparatory phase, and approach Washington to seek political and moral backing for self-governance projects. Such US support may be more diplomatic than financial, but it would be crucial in providing protective cover and pressure to realize reforms.
The Lebanese Forces and their allies, who fly the banners of sovereignty and reform, bear particular responsibility. Historically, Lebanese Christian parties have looked to the West, and especially the United States, as a partner and guarantor of their freedom in a turbulent region. Today, their interests align with the Trump Administration's agenda of curbing extremist groups and militias backed by rogue regimes. Leaders like Dr. Samir Geagea must capitalize on the favorable international climate by deepening engagement with Washington and presenting their cause, including the existential threat to Christians, as part of a wider battle to protect religious pluralism in the Middle East. At the same time, these leaders must show readiness to undertake bold domestic reforms, from fighting corruption to improving governance, in order to earn international trust. In short, Lebanon's Christians face a rare historic window, and they must prove themselves a serious partner who can be relied upon if given support.
Federalism to Safeguard Minorities in the Region
American policymakers increasingly recognize that rigid centralist models in the region have marginalized foundational communities of the Levant and left them vulnerable to violence and displacement. Hence, in recent years, federal and decentralized solutions have gained ground as serious proposals for conflict-ridden states fractured by sectarian divides.
In Iraq, after the defeat of ISIS, calls intensified, backed implicitly by US officials, for establishing an administrative region in Nineveh Plains for Christians, Yezidis, and others. The aim was to empower these communities to manage their affairs and ensure their safety within Iraq's federal framework, halting migration and preserving their historic presence. Even then, Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi supported expanding decentralization, warning that without self-rule solutions, the country risked disintegration.
In Syria, despite complexities, federal or autonomous arrangements have also been floated as a way to preserve religious and ethnic diversity after years of war. The model in northeastern Syria, where Kurdish, Syriac, and other communities manage local administration, as well as in the Druze stronghold of Jabal al-Druze, shows that flexible governance can protect diversity, despite the Assad regime's refusal to accept such models. Western experts have long debated similar scenarios for Syria, Libya, and Yemen as potential paths to stability.
For Lebanon, observers read Washington's recent shift as openness to discussions of federalism as a way to prevent collapse. The US and France are increasingly concerned about the emigration of Levantine Christians and may not oppose any internal arrangement Lebanese agree upon to guarantee their survival and prosperity, even unconventional formulas such as federal cantons. What matters most is that the initiative comes from the Lebanese themselves, bringing us back to the imperative for Christian leaders to act quickly, offering solutions rather than waiting for them from abroad.
Lebanese Americans in Trump's Inner Circle
This American alignment with Christian concerns is reinforced by the presence of Lebanese-origin figures within Trump's inner circle. Over recent years, Trump has surrounded himself with many advisors and allies of Lebanese Christian heritage, creating informal channels of cultural and political communication with Lebanon's Christian community.
Given their backgrounds and awareness of Lebanon's intricate sectarian makeup, these individuals are able to convey Lebanese Christian concerns to US decision-makers in language they understand. Their presence near the centers of power has served as a soft channel of influence in favor of issues important to Lebanese Christians -- from checking militia dominance in Lebanon to encouraging regional reconciliation that eases pressure on minority groups. They have become a bridge between the aspirations of Lebanon's Christians and an American administration intent on defending religious freedoms.
A Call for Coordinated Engagement
In the end, Trump's positions and those of his administration in support of Christians represent a positive development that Lebanon's Christians must seize and build upon. When the US president publicly commits to combating bias against Christians and protecting their identity, he sends a strong message to both adversaries and allies that the international community, represented by Washington, will not stand idly by if Christians face systematic discrimination or exclusion.
This development provides Lebanese Christians with a moral and political card that could alter domestic dynamics, if used wisely. But external backing alone is not enough. It requires responsible domestic action that fills the void and puts forth solutions. If Christians present a unified vision for the future, whether federalism or another framework, and show readiness for reciprocal compromise with their partners under the constitution, US and international endorsement will follow. Disunity and passivity, by contrast, will only weaken their position further.
The current international climate offers Lebanon's Christians a rare chance to affirm their presence and historic role. The Trump Administration seems willing to extend support, while the Lebanese diaspora in America has proven its capacity to amplify their voice. The real test now lies in the wisdom of Lebanon's Christian leaders. If they can read the changes correctly and act with initiative, American support could translate into pressure for reforms and guarantees securing a free Christian presence. That would be a historic victory. But if the opportunity is squandered by narrow calculations or inaction, history will record that the hand of a great power was extended to Lebanon's Christians, and they failed to take it.
Ultimately, the defense of Christians' religious and cultural identity is inseparable from the defense of Lebanon's Christian identity itself. This, at last, is what the Americans have recognized. The question remains: will Lebanon's Christians recognize it too?
This article was originally published in Arabic by Nida al-Watana.
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