THE
BRITISH BETRAYAL OF THE ASSYRIANS
YUSUF MALEK
FORMERLY OF THE IRAQI CIVIL
SERVICE
JUNE 1917 - SEPTEMBER 6, 1930
Author of Les
Consequences Tragiques du Mandat en Iraq 1932
With introduction by
William A. Wigram, DD
Assyrian International News Agency
Books Online
www.aina.org
Published by the Joint Action of The
Assyrian National Federation and The Assyrian National League of
America - 1758 North Park Avenue, Chicago IL (Books may be secured by
application of this address only)
First published in 1935. Copyright 1936 By the Author
No part of the book may be reproduced
in any manner whatsoever without written permission. All Rights Reserved
Printed in the United States of America, The Kimball
Press, Warren Point, N.J.
Dedicated to the Assyrian People in commemoration of
the Assyrians who suffered martyrdom at the hands of the Iraqi
Government. Y.M.
AUTHOR'S PREFACE
The atrocities deliberately perpetrated
by the forces of Faisal, the puppet king on a shaky throne, led by
their ill-bred officers against the Assyrians in Iraq during August
1933, the month that should mark a black spot in British history, have
necessarily accelerated the publication--as an urgent necessity--of a
part of a comprehensive book on the Iraqi minorities which I have in
view. The British Government has betrayed, and has certainly proved
herself unworthy of, the trust that other Eastern peoples have placed
in her. She received many warnings as to the precarious position of the
Iraq minorities in an emancipated Iraq, but it continued to ignore the
appeals made to it and set aside the apprehensions felt even by the
members of the Permanent Mandates Commission.
Though unfortunately the Assyrian men, women, and
children, who, in defence of their very honor, have been most brutally
massacred with the usual Arab savagery, are lamentably and
irretrievably lost, yet it is not too late to save the remnant if only
as a monument to British perfidy and injustice. This is not impossible.
It is incumbent upon the leaders who, rightly or wrongly, placed their
"implicit trust" in the British Government and British liberal, to mend
their ways.
I am not cognizant of the circumstances that led the
Assyrian leaders at the time to be swayed by the British policy but the
blood of our martyrs who have fallen victims to the "implicit trust"
and that villainous policy, is loudly crying to save those who are in
the lion's mouth. The Assyrian people who have been sorely tried for
the last nineteen years (1915-1933) and have encountered many bitter
tribulations, want and need a stable and honest policy that can offer
it a real, permanent peace and security, which, in the last sixteen
years (1918-1933) of trial has been definitely proved impossible under
the British domination.
In April 1933, I attempted to return to Iraq and had
to see Sir Harold Stow, the British Consul-General of Betroth. He was
kind enough to advise me to do so, but, at the same time, he
communicated with the Iraqi Consul-General of Betroth, Camilla al
Galena, to say that it would be in the interests of Iraq if I were
allowed to return when the Iraq Government could place me under strict
policy surveillance. I subsequently approached the Iraqi Consul in
writing on the 15th of April and he, after having communicated with
Badgered, sent me a letter No. 622/4/12 dated 22-5-33, the translation
of which I append herewith:
"The Ministry for Foreign Affairs has, in letter No.
3711, dated 3rd May, 1933, informed me that the Iraq Government cannot
accede to the requests embodied in your application, but it can confirm
that no legal action will be taken against you for your past
prejudicial activities against the interests of Iraq."
This sounds very nice; but what about "illegal
actions" so common in Iraq? The requests embodied in my application to
which the Iraqi Consul makes reference, and to which the Iraqi
Government could not accede, included a request for my personal safety
and liberty while in Iraq. Upon further inquiry, the Consul on the 8th
of June, 1933, informed me that he could give me no particulars other
than those contained in his letter No. 622/4/12, dated the 22nd of May,
1933, which meant nothing to me because of its vagueness and ambiguity.
Sir SAT's recommendation, presumably made bona fide, was that I
be permitted to return to Iraq under the understanding that I was to be
placed under "strict police surveillance." I discovered this from the
Iraq Consul himself who was kind enough to furnish me with copies of
his correspondence with Baghdad.
I have quoted this minor case to illustrate the value
of the League of Nations paper guarantees in Iraq for "the full
protection of life and property of the Iraq minorities", and to show
how impossible it is for the members of the Iraq minorities, Chaldeans
and others included, to approach the League of Nations and report the
daily violations of the paper guarantees by the Iraq Government,
however grave and acute such violations may be, without exposing
themselves to reprisals.
The pronounced policy of the Iraq Government clearly
aims at the destruction and extinction of the Assyrian race by merging
it forcibly in the body politic of Iraq.
In the face of the recent atrocities (and more are
probably to follow) committed against the Assyrian men, women, and
children, against all laws of civilization in Iraq, and particularly in
the Mosul Liwa, by the armed forces of the Iraq Government for which
preparations were being made some months previously, England remained a
mere observer, and her "moral responsibility" undertaken at Geneva
through the medium of Sir Francis Humphrys, her accredited
representative, proved, as we constantly maintained in writing and
otherwise, not to be worth the paper upon which it was recorded. In his
last day, Sir Francis will have something on his conscience. We were
betrayed by England on every possible occasion, and were finally handed
over to a so-called Arab Government, without adequate or reasonable
safeguards for our safety.
Our grievances and claims have been deliberately
misrepresented as I informed, (through the kind favour of Mr. George
Naqqash, the brilliant Lebanese writer Mr. Rennie Smith of the
Inter-parliamentary Union, London, from beginning to end, and it is the
firm belief of many, as well as mine, that more misrepresentations will
follow; hence there is the absolute necessity for the present work.
As an Assyro-Chaldean by nationality, and one of the
indigenous inhabitants from the heart of Mosul, with thirteen years of
continuous experience of the Iraqi government and the British
officials, I claim the right of being able to state our side of the
case. Living in exile for the last twenty-nine months (April
1931-August 1933) with no possible access to my documents, I regret
that I shall not be able to produce a comprehensive book as I
originally desired. But my memory has not failed me, and will not, I
hope, do so now. I hope that the present work will serve to give the
readers, and particularly those interested in the Assyrians, a general
idea as to the recent events leading up to the barbarous acts committed
by the regular armed forces of the Iraq Government against the peaceful
Assyrian civil population.
Chapter I has been written by the
Assyrian National League of America. Chapter V has been written by Col.
F. Cunliffe-Owen. Chapters VII and second half of Chapter X have been
written by Dr. David B. Perley. The indexing is also his work. Chapter
XIII has been contributed by Col J.J. McCarthy. I am indebted to them
all for their valuable services.
For permission to re-publish Lt.-Gol.A.T. Wilson's'
excellent Crisis in Iraq, originally published in the Nineteenth
Century & After Review of October 1933, I am indebted to the
author and to the publishers, Constable & Company, Limited, 10-12
Orange Street, London, W.C.2.
For the reading of the galley proof, I am indebted to
Mrs. D. B. Perley of New Jersey and Mr. George K. Eshaya of Illinois.
For the reading of the page proof I am again indebted to the former.
For the excellent illustrations, I am indebted to Mr. George Mardinly
and to Mr. Lutfi Dartley, more especially to Mr. Charles S. Dartley,
all of the State of New Jersey, U.S.A.
It is a pleasing duty to express my sincere thanks to
Hon. Nicholas O. Beery, the ex-Police Court Judge and Prosecutor of the
Pleas of Passaic County in New Jersey, for his generous assistance
rendered in reading and correcting every page of proof as it came from
the compositor, and for his counsel with regard to matters of general
presentation. My thanks are due also to the generous scholars, such as
Max Zucker, Esquire, Rabbi and Lawyer, Judge Joseph A. Furrey, Joseph
J. Durna, an attorney of New Jersey, and Prof. E.J. James, B.D., Ph.D
of Chicago who have improved the book by their suggestions and
painstaking criticism.
It is gratifying to acknowledge my supreme obligation
to the Assyrian National League of America and to the Assyrian National
Federation* in America. The latter is composed of the Assyrian National
Union, Inc. of Massachusetts, the Assyrian National Association of
Connecticut, the Christian Aid Society of Philadelphia, Pa., the West
New York Branch of New Jersey, the Newark Branch of New Jersey. Had it
not been for their zealous co-operation, the present work would not
have been possible.1
Special thanks are due to
the Assyrian National Association, Inc. of Yonkers, New York, the
Nineveh Association of Greater Boston in Massachusetts, the
Assyrian-American Benevolent Association of Los Angeles, California;
the Assyrian National School Association of America, Inc., and the
Assyrian Young People's Association of Yonkers, New York for the
courtesy and assistance extended to this work, which I commenced
writing during the last week of August 1933, in Cyprus, and completed
in November of the same year in Geneva, with the ardent hope that it
may meet the crying need, at this critical moment, for a new and true
way in the presentation of the Assyrian Problem.
Geneva, November 1933.
INTRODUCTION
It is with
great pleasure that I can commend Yusuf Malek's history of his own
people to all English readers.
There is no
type of mankind that has had a history more interesting, and few more
lengthy than the Assyrian nationality to which he belongs. Reaching
back as they do through the ages to the days when Chaldea and Assyria
were producing the dawn of civilization in the lands where civilization
had one of its very earliest beginnings, they have seen the rise and
departure of the Persian Empire in its earlier form, have seen the
struggle between Parthia and Rome, and finally found in Christianity
the religion that they could take to themselves, in the days when the
later empire of Persia was beginning a development that lasted till
Islam spread a new faith and a new culture over all the near and
central east.
Perhaps it
was the strange parallelism between the myths of the old faith of
Chaldea, and the theology of Christendom, that enabled the people to
take the new faith of the West so thoroughly to their hearts.
For that
faith they have suffered, and in it they have found the expression of
their national life under the various rulers of Islam. Meantime, they
have given at least the undeniable proof that one reproach of
Christians under the rule of Islam is not justified, and that given any
reasonable opportunity, they can show as much bravery and dash in fight
as any professor of the faith of Islam.
As a Church,
they have an interest for all students of Christian antiquity that is
unique, for there is no other community in which can be found the
customs of the earliest centuries of Christianity stereotyped and
fossilized as it were, so as to preserve them for those, who, in a
later age seek to hark back to their origins and to "look unto the rock
whence they have been hewn," a model of what the faith they profess was
in its earliest and most primitive ages.
Readers will
find here description and history of every one of these aspects of the
people written out by one of themselves, with a knowledge and sympathy
that no foreigner, no matter what his experience, can really hope to
attain.
The work
appears at a moment when the fortunes of the people seem to be at their
very darkest, and may serve to attract to those who have suffered more
severely and more undeservedly than almost any other nation in the war,
some of the sympathy and help that is their just due.
W. A.
Wigram, D.D. - Wells, Somerset - November 1933
DRAMATIS PERSONNAE IN PRODITIONE
The
Iraqi cabinet of assassinators which approved indiscriminately of the
massacre of the Assyrians following the proclamation of Jihad - a Holy
War:
Rashid 'Ali
al Gailani. Prime Minister
Hikmat
Sulaiman Minister of Interior
Yasin al
Hashini Minister of France
Nuri al
Sa'id Minister of Foreign Affairs
Muhammad
Zaki Minister of Justice
Jalal Baban
Minister of Defence
Rustam Haidar Minister of Communications and works
Sayyid
'Abdul Mahdi Minister of Education
The
following is a list of British Officials through whose instrumentality
and indifference the massacre was made possible:
Sir Francis
Humphrys His Britannic Majesty's Ambassador in Baghdad (the term of the
whole tragedy)
Capt. V.
Holt Oriental Secretary to the British Embassy in Baghdad
Sir Kenehan
Cornwallis Advisor, Minister of the Interior, Chief Administrative
Inspector and private counselor to King Faisal
Major C.J.
Edmonds First Assistant Advisor to Sir Kenehan Cornwallis
Major
W.C.F.A. Wilson Administrative Inspector in Mosul
Colonel R.S.
Stafford Administrative Inspector in Mosul
Major
Douglas B. Thomson The English expert for the Settlement of the
Assyrians
"O, it is
excellent To have a giant's strength; but it is tryannous to use it
like a giant."
From
Shakespeare's Measure for Measure, II,2.
Circumstances Prior to The Final Betrayal
I A Brief
History of the Assyrian Nation and "Church of the East" Assyrian
National League of America
II Faisal
al Husain
III The
Inhabitants of Iraq and the Iraq Unity
IV The
Assyrians
V The
Assyrians in Baqubah and at Mindanù Col. F. Cunliffe-Owen
VI The
Chaldeans
VII The
JacobitesùD. B. Perley
VIII The
Yazidis
IX The Jews
and Other Minorities
X
Missionaries and Politicsùwith D. B. Perley
XI The
Assyrian Levies and the Kirkuk Incident
XII The
Assyrians in the House of Lords
XIII The
Assyrians in Persia and Mesopotamia Col. J. J. McCarthy
XIV The
Assyrians Before the League of Nations in 1932
SECOND BOOK
The Final Betrayal of The Assyrians
XV
The Final Betrayal of the Assyrians û Part I
XVI The
Final Betrayal of the Assyrians û Part II
XVII The
Final Betrayal of the Assyrians û Part III
XVIII The Arab Barbarism in Iraq
XIX The
Crisis in Iraq û Lt. Col. A. T. Wilson, M.P
XX The End
APPENDICES:
A
Letter to the Mandates Commission by the Mar Shimun et als
B
List of 76 Persons Brutally Killed Individually
C
Radiogramme from the Assyrian Metropolitan of India
D Dr.
Wigram's Letter to the "Editor of the Near East and India
E The
Treacherous Document of Baghdad
F The Mar
Shimun's Protest to the Foreign Diplomatic Representatives in Iraq
G Statement
Showing a Small Percentage of Assyrians Massacred in August of 1933
H Statement
Showing Names of Persons Brutally Assassinated Subsequent to the
Official Massacre
I A List of
the Assyrian Villages Looted During the Massacre
J An Appeal
by the Mar Shimun to all the Christian Churches
K Anglo-Iraq
declaration of 1932 Regarding the Kurdish Government
L Minutes of
the Iraq Committee in London
M Reply of
the Acting-High Commissioner to the Signatories of the Petition, dated
September 11, 1930
N Petition
of the Rev. Shlaimun et als
O Petition
of the "Eastern Church" of Connecticut, U.S.A. to King George V., to
the President of France, and to the President Of the United States.
P Protest of
the Assyrian National Union of Michigan to the League of Nations
FIRST BOOK
CIRCUMSTANCES PRIOR TO THE FINAL BETRAYAL
"Observe thyself as thy greatest
enemy would do, so that thou be thy greatest friend" ûJeremy
Taylor
The origin of the Assyrians as a people or
even as a nation is shrouded in the mists of the past, but when they
first appear on the stage of history, in the middle of the third
millennium B.C., we find them already a strong city
Kingdomùalthough vassal to Babyloniaùorganized around the
first capital, Ashur, located on the left banks of the Tigris, in the
upper Mesopotamia. The Assyrians are of Semitic race; they took their
name from the name of their god, Assur, or, as some historians assert,
from their first Capital. However, although forming a very powerful
vassal of the Babylonian Empire, the Assyrians played a passive part in
the affairs of Western Asia until the decline of the Babylon in the
middle of the eighteenth century (1740 B.C.) when Assyria went its own
way as an independent Kingdom. From that time on, until the destruction
of Nineveh, in 606, the Assyrian Empire remained, with varying degrees
of fortune, the supreme power in the Orient.
During this one thousand years Assyria remained above all
else a military state with a strong will and a deliberate policy. She
expanded in all directions, welding together smaller states into one
more or less compacted well-organized empire, on an entirely different
basis from that of its predecessors, the Babylonian and Egyptian
Empires.
From 1740 B.C. until 1300 B.C., Assyria was a mere Kingdom, a
rival of Babylon, reserving her power for future possibilities,
defensive as well as offensive. Beginning with Shalmaneser I, about
1300 B.C., the city Kingdom began to expand into an Empire, conquering
and consolidating smaller states around it. Campaign after campaign was
conducted by Shalmaneser against the declining empire of the Hittites,
until even Capodocia was reached, where several Assyrian military
colonies were settled. The Armenians and the Kurdish tribes in the
north and northeast were also attached by Shalmaneser. Nor did Syria
escape the effect of these triumphant reigns of the power of Assyria.
Shalmaneser's successor turned his attention to Babylon which he added
to his dominions, thus making Assyria the mistress of the oriental
world. Under Tiglath-Pileser I, the frontier of Assyria was further
extended westward as far as the Mediterranean Sea, and the mighty Egypt
presented the Assyrian conqueror with a present-a crocodile.
During the eighth and ninth centuries the Assyrian emperors
did not merely expand their territories, but inspired the Hebrew
prophets with a new idea of God, that is, Jehovah, a tribal God of
Israel becomes a universal God, even more powerful than the Assyrian
Monarchs, whose rods they were, according to Amos and Isaiah. Israel
had become a vassal to Shalmaneser III, and Judah could not remain very
much longer unaffected by the Assyrian Empire The Syro-Phoenician
maritime commercial cities, and the trade routes connecting them with
India by the way of the Persian Gulf, were a prize worth contending
for, and Shalmaneser made these serve his Empire.
The death of Shalmaneser III was followed by a short interval
of military inactivity. That Monarch and his predecessors had
inaugurated an entirely new imperial policy, unknown in the ancient
world before them. To render the trade routes between the Mediterranean
Sea and the Persian Gulf absolutely safe, the territory through which
these routes passed could not be left to chance, the precarious loyalty
of the vassal states. "The experience of centuries had shown that such
control could not be secured unless the country were systematically
conquered, occupied and guarded by the Assyrians". The process led to
the direct annexation and government of the subdued peoples. This
policy of systematic conquest and subjugation resulted perforce in the
assimilation of conquered peoples.
With the accession of Tiglath-Pileser III to the throne in
745 B.C., a new drive began for the empire of Ashur. The reign of the
Monarch inaugurated what may be called the "Golden Age" of the second
Assyrian Empire, which lasted until the destruction of the State.
Politically there came upon the throne of Assyria, in rapid succession,
beginning with Tiglath-Pileser III, a long line of rulers of magnitude.
Only one other throne, that of the Ottoman Turks can claim a similar
line of first rate conquerors and administrators.
Under these rulers Assyria not only recovered all the lost
grounds, but also new provinces, greater glory, and prestige were
added, besides winning back territory and political strength which was
lost after the death of Shalmaneser III. The policy of consolidating
provincial administration, and the process of assimilation of
subject-peoples were continued more systematically than before.
Tiglath-Pileser III was the first King of Assyria to make
Babylon an Assyrian province. His further conquests carried the
Assyrian arms father than those of his predecessor. To the east, the
shores of the Caspian Sea were reached, and Media was organized with a
province. In the west, his conquests penetrated Asia Minor and covered
the entire eastern coast of the Mediterranean Sea until they reached
Egypt.
But Tiglath-Pileser was not merely a conqueror. His
achievements as a ruler and an administrator were equally remarkable,
and one might venture to say, revolutionary, resembling in some
respects those of Julius Caeser. His first act was to reorganize the
army upon a new foundation. This he did by creating a powerful standing
army in which lay the strength of the Assyrian Empire. It was also a
national army, recruited from a nation and not from a congeries of
loosely connected vassal states, city kingdoms, and tribal districts.
In other words, Assyria resembled a modern state not merely in its
military organization, but in its political and social structure, a
compact state, not unlike the Ottoman or Russian empires.
But the army was simply a means to a greater end. The
Assyrian Monarchs never planned vast conquests, like those of Alexander
the Great. The policy of assimilation to which the empire had been
committed, could not be adjusted to meet the exigencies of such rapid
and vast accumulations of new people. Tiglath-Pilser III, did not add
very much to what his predecessors had claimed, nor did his great
successors except Esarhaddon who added Egypt to the fortune of his
fathers. The authorities tell us that every campaign fought by the
second Assyrian Empire, that is, from the accession of Tiglath-Pileser
III to the fall of Nineveh, 606 B.C., was a defensive project. The
Emperors were engaged in a political effort unprecedented in the
ancient Orient. It was their nation's supreme contribution to
civilizationùthe creation of a new political concept to which
the Persian and Roman Empires fell heir.
To make Assyria a modern State, two methods were invoked by
Tiglath-Pileser. These methods had been used by his predecessors, but
on a smaller scale. The Egyptian, Babylonian, and Hittite Empires had
conquered many people, but no attempts were made to reduce the
subject-people into a centralized State. The conquered territories
remained vassal States which merely recognized the suzerainty of their
overlords and paid them an annual tribute. The Assyrians departed from
this in two ways: (a) they detached the conquered people from their old
loyalties û religious, traditional, racial and territorial, by a
well calculated, but reprehensible, system of deportation. The best
example was the captivity of the Ten Tribes of Israel. Its object was
to create a uniform population and to lessen the possibilities of
revolt. (b) The other factor evolved byTiglath-Pileser was that of
centralization. It is possible to maintain that the wholesale
deportation of the conquered people was a consequence of this policy.
Competent historians assure us that it was the first time in history
that the idea of centralization was introduced into politics. When a
new territory was conquered, it became an integral part of the Assyrian
Empire. All its former political and even religious organs were
destroyed. In the place of these, a new system was imposed, and in the
place of the former ruler û in most cases a king û an
Assyrian provincial governor was appointed by the king and was directly
responsible to him. The Assyrian Monarchs were careful to secure "men
of such energy, intelligence and efficiency for important provincial
governorships, that the characteristic evils of eastern officialdom,
lethargy and incompetence were almost unknown"*
These governors administered their provinces according to the
king's will. Assyrian jurisprudence, court and language were
substituted for those of the conquered people for all administrative
purposes. Assyrian coins, weights and measures, as well as commercial
practice, were established. These advantages of Assyrian civilization
were spread from one end of the Empire to the other and made uniform.
Commercial and military roads were constructed to facilitate travel and
movement of armies. The Assyrian domination of the Western Asia was not
merely military, but cultural as wellùAssyria was a civilizing
factor. It was for this reason that the Assyrian provinces enjoyed a
protracted period of peace, rate in the history of the East at that
time; and not until the coming of Rome did Western Asia enjoy a uniform
legal practice under which the trader and the poor found safety and
protection. In other words, what Rome did for the Mediterranean world,
Assyria did for the Western Asia.
Such was the work of Tiglath-Pileser III, the greatest of
Assyrian Monarch. The four greatest Monarchs who followed him are
Sargon II, Senacherib, Esarhaddon, and Ashurbanipal who consolidated
and carried out his policies and measures. Their task was primarily
that of holding firmly to the territory already acquired and of
spreading the Babylonian culture throughout their Empire. Therefore,
their wars were largely defensive in character, and even in purpose,
preserving and cementing the Assyrian Empire as firmly as would seem
humanly possible. The Assyrian State, unlike the Roman Empire, was
surrounded in all directions by States and nations of might equal to
its own.
The Assyrian Monarchs were as truly great patrons of learning
and culture as they were statesmen. The Tiglath-Pileser III, erected a
vast and magnificent palace at his new capital, Kalah, with a row of
colonnades at its entrance. Other public and private buildings must
have been equally magnificent to harmonize with the royal palace, and
many other great men of the empire must have imitated their master in
the beautification of their own palaces. As the Assyrian Monarchs were
incurably religious, they built magnificent temples to their national
gods. Other cities of the empire must have certainly followed the
example of the capital in this, as in many other respects.
Sargon II, the next great Assyrian Monarch, was like his
predecessor, not only a great conqueror and statesmen but a great
builders; for he also founded a new capital with a palace of equal
magnificence with that of Tiglath-Pileser III. Similar impetus must
have been given to the development of culture throughout the empire.
Sargon went a step further than his predecessor by arousing a
tremendous growth of interest in the study of the past history of
Assyria. By naming himself Sargon II, he wished to create a strong
sentiment for the antiquities or traditions of his people. This fact is
illustrated by Sargon's ordering and directing the edition of various
texts which concerned adventures of Sargon of Agade (3800 B.C.) It
would not be stretching the evidence too far in saying that Sargon was
the first enlightened Monarch of Western Asia, who set a new example
for his successors in the promotion of learning and culture. As Sidney
Smith says, "Sargon was not only a great King but an enlightened man,
and in him is to be found the same taste for artistic and literary
effort that distinguished his successors'3
Sennacherib, Sargon's son and
successor to his throne, surpassed all his predecessors in his zeal for
the restoration of old and building new cities. He transferred his
residence to Nineveh which he made the capital of the Assyrian Empire.
He reconstructed, beautified, and enlarged the city, and in its center
erected several vast public buildings, among which was his palace, an
edifice of great architectural magnificence, and remarkable for base
reliefs upon its walls and the great stone colossi which adorned its
gateways. This Monarch's passion for building resulted in such a vast
number of projects that their enumeration would be tedious. In
literature and fine art the reign of Sennacherib marked an epoch equal
to any reached in ancient Orient. All in all, Sennacherib was as able a
monarch as his father in the battlefield and surpassed him in his
interest in art and literature.
Esarhaddon's reign is essentially a period of
political developments, defense and expansion of the Empire, and its
administration. Cultural side of the Empire was left to his son's
reign, Ashurbanipal III, the Grand Monarch of Assyria. His interest in
development and spread of learning surpassed those of his grandfather.
Ashurbanipal was himself a learned Monarch, and his fondness for
learning led to his collection of two magnificent libraries at Nineveh.
His interest in art was as personal as that of his grandfather and the
Assyrian art reached its perfection during his reign. "The Age of
Ashurbanipal marks a definite stage in the history of culture, and the
modern term (the Age of Ashurbanipal) befittingly links that king's
name with his time, as it connects the glories of Imperial Rome with
the name of Augustus"4
The Assyrian civilization û specifically
culture and learning û was based upon that of the Babylonians, a
kindred people. In this respect the Assyrians did not create a culture
of their own, but neither did the Romans. However, the Assyrians served
civilization in their own way, a contribution which the historians of
the Ancient East compare to that of the Romans; that is "accepting in
its entirety the civilization of a kindred people (the Babylonians)
they (the Assyrians) maintained it and spread it in a manner the
original creators were entirely incapable of, at a time when a failure
to do so would have considerably affected the course of history"5
Ashurbanipal was the last great
Monarch of Assyria. *The Empire, even during his lifetime had begun to
decline, and even to disintegrate. Fourteen years after his death (626
B.C.) the Assyrian Empire was extinct, and the proud and arrogant
Nineveh became a heap of smoldering ashes. Assyria, as a political
entity, disappeared from the face of the earth û a most unique
phenomenon in history.
PART II.
ASSYRIA FROM 600 B.C. TO DATE
Nineveh was destroyed
in 606 B.C. It fall was brought about by corrupt officials who turned
traitors in divulging the military secrets of their government to the
Medes, thus causing the defeat and eventual downfall of that great
empire.
Hardly anything has been recorded in
the ancient histories concerning this nation after Nineveh was
destroyed. What happened to those people? Where did they go? According
to the recorded history of King Oogar IX, an As6Syrian, the remnants of this empire were under the
Roman mandate. King Oogar himself was ruling in Adasa or the modern
city of Orhie during the time of Christ. In the previously mentioned
city twenty-nine Assyrian kings ruled, fourteen of which were from the
house of Oogar and fifteen from the House of Mano.
Perhaps many students of ancient
history will challenge the claim that Oorhae was an Assyrian city, but
this truth is proven by ancient historians in that, when the Assyrians
conquered and subdued a nation, it was their custom to transfer their
newly subdued subjects into Assyria proper and rehabilitate their newly
acquired territories by their own nationals. Much must have been the
case with the city of Oorhae, for even Mar Addaiù(one of the
Twelve Disciples, refers to Oorhae as being inhabited by the Assyrians.
This little Assyrian Kingdom endured
until 336 A.D. In the middle of the fourth century, the Romans and the
Persians began one of their wars, and during this campaign Oohae was
taken by the Persians. The Assyrians were dispersed throughout Asia
Minor. Some went into Syria, some remained under the Persian rule and
others took refuge in the Mountains of Kurdistan. In these mountains
they lived and enjoyed a home-rule until 1915. When the world conflict
of 1914 broke out, these Assyrians, threw their lot with that of the
Allies. They were forced to flee from their mountain homes û
north of Nineveh, the Assyrian capital, - to Persia where they
maintained themselves until 1918 when they were again uprooted. This
time in accordance with the British promises (see Chapter IV) they
retreated to Mesopotamia to remain under British protection. During
these misfortunes the Assyrians lost not only their homes and property,
but practically two-thirds of their number. What happened to them from
the time they found refuge with the British, the reader will find fully
and authentically recorded in the pages of this book.
THE ASSYRIAN 'CHURCH
OF THE EAST' EMBRACEMENT AND EXTENSION OF CHRISTIANITY IN THE ORIENT
It was in the second year after the
Ascension of Christ that Christianity showed its first signs in
Mesopotamia. At about this time, Thomas, one of the twelve, had begun
the preaching and teaching of the gospel and the new religion, which
was prophetically destined to embrace all of Beth-Nahreen later.
Thomas continued with his apostolic
mission until 45 A.D., that is to say, twelve years after the
Ascension, and then proceeded to India to commence his pioneering
activities in Christian teaching there. In the meantime, Simon, called
Peter, had succeeded Thomas as the apostle to Mesopotamia. It was
during his tenure of apostolic mission that the first Christian church
was founded in Babylon thus establishing the Eastern Apostate.
Completing his task in Mesopotamia, Peter returned to Rome. (Peter I,
Chap. 5: 13-14)
In the year 45 A.D., Addai, or better
known as Thaddeus, one of the twelve, succeeded Simon as the apostle to
Mesopotamia. Addai went to Oorhae or Adessa in fulfillment of a promise
which Jesus had made to King Oogar, while on earth. Historical
documents point out that this promise was involved in direct
correspondence between Jesus and King Oogar. On October 15, 31 A.D.,
during the reign of Tiberius, the Roman Governor of Jerusalem, King
Oogar had dispatched three of his most trusted men to invite Jesus to
come for a visit and to cure him of his malady. Marhaht, Shamshagrum
and Hannan the artist, the three men that King Oogar had sent as
emissaries of good-will to Jesus, had set out on their journey.
Arriving in the border city of Beth-Gobrin, they went to the house of
Cebinus, the son of Astragius, their governor, and remained there
twenty-five days. Cebinus, realizing the importance of their mission,
gave them a letter of introduction to the Roman Magistrate in Jerusalem
requesting him to extend these men all necessary courtesies. Resuming
their journey, on the way they met with divers people from sundry
countries. Joining this anxious and faithful crowd of pilgrims they
continued their journey to Jerusalem. Arriving in the city, they met
Jesus and were amazed at his beauty. Upon speaking to him, they were
overwhelmed with admiration for his wisdom and knowledge. As emissaries
of King Oogar, they remained with Jesus for ten days. During their
stay, Hannan, the artist painted a portrait of Jesus, and wrote in form
of a diary everything that He had spoken and of allthat had taken place
during their stay. On their return to Oorhae, in reverence and
admiration, they related to King Oogar what they had seen and heard,
also mentioning the promise that Jesus had made of sending one of his
disciples to him to cure his malady. The journey of Addai to Oorhae or
Adessa was in fulfillment of that promise, and on his arrival King
Oogar extended him a cordial welcome and gave him assurance of every
possible assistance with which to carry on his work. With the King's
aid Addai taught the new doctrine of Jesus, founded churches and
established great theological seminaries throughout the country. It was
the great impetus of Christian teaching that placed Adess among the
foremost centers of learning of the time.
From the year 48 A.D. until 87 A.D.,
Agai and Mari, his disciples carried on the work of their master. They
founded strong apostates and extended Christianity to the eastern and
southern portions of Mesopotamia. They performed miracles, such as
raising the dead, causing the blind to see, etc. They chose spirited
missionaries from among their true Assyrian converts which later
carried the name of Christ with a fiery zeal into the pagan and Jewish
elements of their time and converted millions of souls to Christianity.
How did these men carry on their work? Under what conditions and
handicaps were they performing their duties? History well records their
heroic deeds in the name of the Cross. Many were burned at stake,
others were mutilated in the most horrible manners, and many others
were placed under most diabolic and cruel punishments unknown to man.
The amputation of arms and legs and the dismemberment of other parts of
the body were common penalties imposed upon them because of their
belief and teaching. In spite of this scourge of human wrath evidenced
against them, they strove on sincerely believing in their mission. For
Christ and his teaching they were willing to sacrifice their lives.
They were imbued with a spirit of zeal and altruism and were eager to
acquaint others with the new philosophy of eternal life. The following
names are prominently engraved in the annals of Christian history for
their valor and heroism in fighting to carry on the name of Christ to
the world.
St. Thomas, "One of the Twelve 35
A.D. û 45 A.D.
St. Addai (Thaddeus) 33 A.D.
û 45 A.D.
Agai and Mari, "Two of the
Seventy" 45 A.D. û 48 A.D.
Ambrius, related to Mary, the
Virgin 82 A.D. û 98 A.D.
Oraham I "of Kashckar" 98 A.D.
û 120 A.D.
Jacob I, related to Joseph the
"Naagara" (Carpenter) 120 A.D.
û 138 A.D.
In the third century the
Eastern Apostate made tremendous strides in development of education,
theology, and philosophy. From the institutions of learning, founded by
this apostate emerged men of eminence in the various fields of
knowledge, who went into the world of their time and propagated their
learning to the advantage of mankind. Their influence was so great in
its purpose that its beneficial effects are manifest even today. Such
names as those of Mar Ephraim the Great (born 303 A.D.-died 373 A.D.)
Khamis "Bar Khardakhe" Odishoo "Bar Ninvahya," the Metropolitan of
Souva and Mar Narsay "khanara D'rookha", (born 437 A.D. û died
502 A.D.) stand out as gigantic monuments in the theology and
philosophy. Although their work and their teaching are written in
Aramaic, yet translations of their works in different languages afford
the interested reader an easy access to acquaint himself with these
men. It would be futile on any one's part to attempt to evaluate the
importance and influence of their work, but it can be earnestly and
truthfully said, the acquaintance of one's self with these would be a
satisfying and soothing medium for minds inclined toward theological
and philosophical studies.
During the age of these mental
giants, great institutions of learning were in existence. From the
universities of Nseban, Antioch, Salak-Thispun and Alexandria (Egypt)
was poured a new life into the veins of the humanity. India and China
and parts of Africa were emblazoned with the name and teaching of
Christ. The champions of this cause had acquired the appearance of
beggars and wanderers and as such they pioneered into the darkest parts
of the world suffering untold hardships, abuses and persecutions. Their
mission was to enlighten the world by a new life and toward that goal
they proceeded unheedful of obstacles that stood in their way. History
well records the results of their efforts and deeds. Even today
magnificent monuments in China, India, and Egypt stand as mute evidence
of their glorious work.
The fall of the Eastern Apostate had
its initial step in that direction long before the church had attained
its full growth and expansion. As it has been previously mentioned that
all of this missionary work was carried on in hostile territory, one
can easily see the antagonistic forces continually working for its
destruction. The forces that once were peacefully subdued by its
influence had suddenly risen against it, causing its gradual decline to
the weakened state of today.
As the Patriarchate was the center of
gravity of the whole Eastern Church, we can easily realize that any
forces directed toward endangering its peace and security would have
destructive and deleterious effects upon the whole frame-work of the
church. This was exactly what happened. All of the major persecutions
against the Christians were aimed directly at the Patriarchate. For
centuries it was driven from one place to another, and finally forced
to seek refuge in the secluded mountains of Kurdistan, and by this time
it was so badly weakened, that the entire frame-work of the church had
collapsed. Greatly reduced in both material and spiritual forces, the
Church was unable to resist further the continuous onslaughts of
antagonistic forces against it, and as a result it gave way to almost
submission, thus losing its prestige and domination, and for many years
to follow forcing complete extension.
In 779 A.D., the Patriarchate was
driven from Salak-Thispun to Baghdad. In 1257 A.D. under Mar Makekha
ShimunII, the Patriarchate was moved to Arbel. It is noteworthy at this
point, to mention that from 1265 A.D. on, the Patriarch ate was
inherited and carried on by the same family from which the present Mar
Eshai Shimun XXI, Catholicos Patriarch ate of the East, has directly
descended.
In 1320 Patriarch ate was forced to
leave Arbel and take refuge in Alkoosh. In 1480 the Patririachate was
driven out of Alkoosh and moved to Marakha. In 1590 it was moved to
Khosrawa (Salamis). In 1592 the Patriarch ate moved to Qudchanis where
it became permanently established until 1915. It must be borne in mind
that the flight of the Patriarchate from one locality to another was
brought about by extreme pressure by the enemies of Christianity.
During the period of these different flights millions of Assyrian
Christians were brutally massacred by the blood-thirsty Caliphates that
came into power. Millions of others were converted to Mohammedanism by
force. Church, monasteries, libraries and institutions of learning were
completely destroyed. Cities were looted and burned down. The
unfortunate victims of these persecutions could not escape the wrath of
Islam. It was "forsake Christ and follow Mohammed."
As the scope of this book only
permits this extremely abridged history of the church, we,
nevertheless, feel confident that we have laid the foundation for the
interested reader to do further research work on the amazing epic of
this people. The rise and fall of the Eastern Apostate form a
harmonious contrast. It brings out the elemental qualities of a race
that is rarely displayed in other peoples. Great zeal, courage, and
devotion to principle enabled this nation to withstand the
indescribable persecutions and massacres of the blood-thirsty
Mohammedans and Tartar barbarians. History clearly cites the butchering
campaigns conducted by Genghis-Khan, Tamerlane, Omar, Abdul Bakhir, and
now the Arabs of Iraq with the sanction of the British Government,
against the Assyrian Christians.
Faisal al Husain of
the Hijaz, whose father had taken up British arms against the Turks
during the world conflict, (not inspired by any so-called Arab
nationalism or Arab national aspirations, for there were none but
simply because the "British gold," which means everything to an Arab,
supplied by Lawrence of Arabia from an ever open purse, was too great a
thing to be set aside) took an indirect part in the massacre of the
Assyrians.
It should be
remembered that Jamal (Turkish Commander, better known in Syria as
assassin) had previously refused Faisal's request for a post of
Qaimaqamship, as the Turks, with a very long experience of Arabs, knew
that Faisal was not competent for such a position but the English who
saw fit to give Faisal a tidbit, crowned him King of Iraq.
While Husain and his
retinue, including his son, Faisal, had every thing to gain and nothing
to lose by taking up arms against their rulers, the Turks, with their
heads filled with hopes for "personal bright future," the Assyrians in
their homeland, Hakkiari, under their lion-hearted national leader, Mar
Benjamin Shimun, Patriarch (Assassinated by Simko 1918) together with
the valiant Assyrian leaders, decided to side with the Allies, first
with Christian Russia, and next with the British, in the hope that they
might secure after the victory, a self-government for the Assyrians.
This was promised them by the Russian officers, a promise that was
subsequently confirmed by one Captain Gracey of the British
Intelligence Service, who had paid them a special visit for the
purpose. Captain Gracey (Capt. Geo. F. Gracey, D.S.O. Overseas
Delegate, The Save the Children Fund. Armenian Refugees Association now
in London 1933) took the trouble to travel from Tiflis to Urmia to
strengthen the national promises already made to the Assyrians.
Details of losses of
life and property sustained by the Assyrian nation as a result of her
action, have been fully recorded by various European, American and
Assyrian historians, and it would betray the object of this work if I
were to attempt the repetition of what has already been adequately
dealt with elsewhere. It suffices to say that we lost our all, and more
than one half of our numbers perished in our battles and subsequent
withdrawals from Turkey to Persia and then to Iraq, only to suffer
terribly at the hands of a pernicious Arab Government, the gutted child
of England.
Sir John Simon, the
British Foreign Minister, in a speech before the Council of the League
of Nations in 1932, dealing with the entrance of the Assyrians into the
World War attempted to throw the onus on the Russian government, and
added by saying that we were housed and fed in the British camp at
Baqubah for a considerable time. If Sir John Simon wanted to create the
impression that we were housed and fed for the simple reason that
humanity demanded this or because of our "black eyes", his government,
the real cause for the recent atrocities, for having supported
unconsciously Iraq at the League, without adequate safeguards for the
protection of the Iraq minorities, (including the Assyrians, Britain's
ally during and after the War would not have remained a mere observer
at a time when women and children were being trodden down by Arab
horses and massacred by the forces of Faisal.
British memory must
have been very short. We did not side with the allies thus losing our
fertile country and all that we possessed to be merely "housed and fed"
for about a year. It appears from Sir John Simon's speech that British
that British responsibility ended with the breaking up of the refugees'
camp at Baqubah. If that were so, the British authorities should have
adopted a straightforward policy and informed the Assyrians there and
then to place no reliance upon them. If that had been done, the
Assyrians, who extricated themselves from more difficult positions in
the past, could have saved themselves, and, without a shadow of doubt,
avoided the recent calamity that has befallen them.
Whether Russia or
England were responsible for our unselfish entry into the war, the fact
remains that England did acknowledge the valuable services we rendered
to the Allied cause during the War as it will be seen from an extract
of a letter No. S.O./1128 dated 31st May, 1924, from Sir
Henry Dobbs, the ex-British High Commissioner of Iraq, to Lady Surma
(In exile in Cyprus, November 1933) the aunt of the Mar Shimun,
Patriarch, a letter when I have reproduced in Mar Eshai's article on
page 48. Lady Surma was, in the absence of Mar Eshai Shimun,
administering the temporal affairs of the Assyrians.
Had the present
outrageous and ferocious acts carried out against the Assyrian civil
population by the Iraq Government forces û dreadfully hostile to
all non-Arabs û been executed in lands under the jurisdiction of
Soviet Russia, the latter would not have remained indifferent as
England has. The Russians, it must be admitted, maintained their
loyalty and faithfulness to the Assyrians even after the Great Russian
Revolution when more than six hundred of their officers and men
remained with the Assyrians to share their difficulties and
tribulations after the Great Russian debacle.
It may be seen from
the foregoing that while Faisal and his retinue, now ministers and
deputies in Iraq with an unrestrained power, were actually after theft
and booty the Assyrian national leaders, who sacrificed their all, had
one, and only one object in view, the observance of their national
entity, their faith and traditions.
I hope that the king
of the Iraqis and the defender of the "sacred unity" and the Emperor of
Iraq (for southern Kurdistan is alleged to be an Iraq colony), will
excuse the clarity of this tone which I feel fully justified in using,
bearing in mind the scandalous attacks made against my dear countrymen,
the Assyrians, during the last six months, while His Majesty remained
bootless and tongue-tied.
In this attitude of
mine, which will displease many of those who only see with Arab eyes, I
have for the first time been guided by the Prophet's saying Al' ain
bil 'ain wal sin bil sin.", "Eye for eye and tooth for tooth."
Of the Amir
Ghazi (He succeeded his father on the throne of Iraq in 1933. King
Ghazi I an adult, twenty-three years of age. He is unintelligent and
failed his many instructors, for he has no aptitude for learning.
He is no more than a ball in the hands and at the mercy of his Iraqi
extremist ministers. Being a Sunni, he is hated by the great Shl'a
community. His unpopularity among the people of Iraq is due to his
fondness for wine and women and once unsupported by the British, his
fate would be as that of Ahmad Shah. Ghazi himself loathes life in
Iraq, and it is not improbable that his Republican rivals may easily
dethrone him one of these days.)
The next master of
Kurdistan, I shall say nothing, as he is a pigeon for his Kurdish
military instructors. I, however, venture to add that the views of the
Kurdish nationalists in Iraq can be summed up in a few words, and I can
find no better words than those of Hamdi beg Baban (now in Baghdad,
November 1933) of the famous Kurdish Baban family, which he made public
property in 1929 (Le Pelerin 31-3-1929) These were:
"It is better for
the Kurds to become the
fur of a lion than
be the tail of a monkey."
The remarks of
Hamdi beg, which he pronounced on a former occasion long before 1929
antagonized Miss Bell, the late oriental secretary to the High
Commissioner in Iraq but were she alive now to see Kurdish villages
devastated by British aerial and land troops in order to enforce a
policy of slavery upon the Kurds, to satisfy "Sidi Faisal," I doubt if
she would still blame the Kurds if they made overtures to the Turks,
implied in Hamdi's words.
Because of the
"Teachings of Islam," an accurate census of the population of Iraq has
not been possible. Nevertheless, a census was taken by the British
civil administration after the occupation of the country and afterwards
by mandated Iraq which reckoned the population at approximately 3,000,000
persons distributed as follows:
Sunna 500,000
Hereditary foes of the Shi'a
Shi'a 1,300,000
oppressed by the ruling class, the Sunna
Kurds 800,000
Continuously fighting the Arabs
For political and no
other reasons
Non-Moslem Minorities
400,000 League of Nations. These are:
Assyrians Jews
Chaldeans Bahais
Jacobites Armenians
Yazidis Sabeans
Syrian Catholics
Shabak
The Sunna
By Sunna, I only refer
to the ruling class who have the reigns of the government in their
hands. The great majority of the Sunna themselves are not contended
with the present state of affairs, and look upon Faisal and his
successors as aliens to the Iraq and, therefore, refugees. Faisal is
also looked upon as an "agent provocateur" of the British and this has
aggravated the hatred against him. The Sunna of all classes and
professions realize that most of the revenues extracted from them by
coercive measures find their way into Faisal and his ministers'
pockets, and the latter, who, during the occupation had no trousers to
wear, are now owners of large tracts of lands,
Properties of
first-class, palaces and cars, owners of a considerable number of
irrigation pumps, etc. It is a well known fact that the monthly pay of
a minister (though large) is insufficient to meet one night's demand of
the green table. (gambling)
How and from what
source is the money coming? And how have they accumulated their present
wealth? Could it have been by other than theft and corruption? The
helpless (fallah) knows more things than I do. The ruling class,
most of whom are opportunists, realize that the present regime is not
of long duration, and the opportunity of "wealth-accumulation" may not
be of a recurring character, hence the wisdom of the policy of
extracting as much and as quickly as possible.
Faisal's position is
precarious. (died in Berne, Switzerland on 8/9/33) He lies between two
evils. The British, who bombed him on to the Iraq throne, want him to
carry out their policy; the opposition party-if such it can be called
ûwho hate everything British, but who have the power in their
hand, want him to break his ties of friendship with England. If the
British Government thinks that Faisal is the right man to protect the
minorities, I am afraid that view is totally wrong. When King Faisal
visited Geneva in 1930, to look out ostensibly for means to facilitate
the entrance of Iraq into the League of Nations, Sir Eric Drummond,
then Secretary-General to the League advised him to go back to Iraq and
look after the minorities. Faisal could not have given the world a
better proof of his ability to "look after" them than the eventful
months proved that followed Sir Eric's advice.
The Shi'a
The Shi'a form the
largest Moslem community in Iraq with deep religious variations with
the Sunna. The districts they inhabit have been totally neglected
though they played a very important role in the Arab Insurrection of
1920 and, although all the brunt of the battles fell on their
shoulders, they derived little or no benefit from their enormous
sacrifices. King Faisal, the Sunni king, found no favour among the
Shi'a when the formalities preceding the coronation were in process,
but through corruption, threats and sweet promises, he was placed upon
the throne of Iraq.
The Shi'a rightly feel
that they have been very badly treated by the ruling class and they did
not hesitate to say so in their application to the League of Nations in
which they asked for a remedy. (Al 'Urfan, Saida, 1932) They also asked
that an inquiry commission be sent to Iraq to go into their grievances
and remove the oppression to which they were being subjected by the
"savages brought from the desert" û the exact term they used in
their application. A Shi'a newspaper in Saidah published their protest
to the League and they did not fail to forward a copy to the Persian
Shi'a government. During my many interviews with His Excellency Mir
'Ali KhanZahir, the Persian Consul-General, Beyrouth, I gather that he
û though far from Iraq-was fully aware of his kinsmen's
difficulties and no doubt the Persian Government would not tolerate
with indifference the persecution of the Great Shi'a community, and it
may have been for this reason that the Persian Government has hesitated
in signing the various treaties û still outstanding û with
the Iraq Government.
In order to force the
Government of Teheran to sign these treaties, the Arab officials have
recently devoted much of their time and energy to disturb the
conditions on the Perso-Iraq frontier (A Persian general was recently
killed) and these methods have, fortunately for Persia, not remained a
secret to the Persian press and Government.
Most of the townsmen
in the Holy cities of Iraq are of Persian origin and they rightly claim
allegiance to the Persian Government. Moreover, the Teheran Shi'a
government cannot leave the Holy shrines to the mercy of the ruling
class who may, at any moment, violate the traditions and religious
customs that the Shi'a have upheld from time immemorial.
Books and pamphlets of
highly malicious and dangerous nature were published some three months
ago by Sunnis against the Shi'a affecting their religious beliefs, and
the latter retaliated by adopting similar methods. One Sunni and one
Shi'a newspaper were suppressed a few weeks ago in Baghdad, but the
Sunni newspaper reappeared a month later.
Ever since the
coronation of Faisal, there has been no Shi'a prime minister. They
have, however, had one Minister of Education whom the Shi'a themselves
call a nonentity, politically. He cannot be otherwise with a striking
majority of Sunnis in the Council of Ministers.
Though the Shi'a
contribute largely to the Iraqi budget, the lines of communications in
their district û essential to the marketing of their produce
û are neglected and suffered to deteriorate. They have no
adequate medical or educational facilities and though they form the
majority of the Iraqi population as compared to the Sunna, the number
of the Shi'a deputies in parliament is much less than that of the Sunna.
In 1933, the two rival
sects were represented as follows:
Number of Population:
Shi'a--- 1,300,000 Number of Deputies: 28
Sunna-- 500,000
Number of Deputies: 36
Conciliatory measures
of very short duration have been the policy of the successive Sunni
governments, but a clash between the two communities is only a matter
of time. The Shi'a have not, and will not, forget their enormous
casualties of killed and wounded in Kadhimain above Baghdad, in 1926 by
their Sunni foes.
On that occasion as
"Ashura" (Shi'adom Good Friday) there were over eighty thousand Shi's
(most of whom were women and children) in the shrine of Kadhimain and
Ja'far al 'Askaris.(now Iraq minister in London) Definite orders to the
Iraq army stationed at the military barracks in Baghdad were that the
army should cross from the left bank of the river Tigris and push on to
Kadhimain and kill off the whole of the Shi'a during their religious
procession when a Sunni Arab officer, Muhyiddin, had fomented the
trouble. I was, at that time, present with Captain R.E. Alderman,
C.I.E.;O.B.E. in the Mudir Nahiyah's office at A'dhamiyah to watch the
situation and report developments to higher authorities. The Iraq army
arrived but Captain Alderman issued orders to Captain Butler, the
English police officer, to cut off the A'dhamiyahùKadhimain
bridge, the only ferry that links Kadhimain with Baghdad at that point
of the river, and so thousands of the Shi'a lives were saved. But who
can guarantee that this will not recur?
It is not a wonder
then if the Iraq army commits acts of barbarism against the Assyrian
peaceful civil population, who, after all, were a handful of
"unbelievers".
The relations between
the Shi'a and the Sunna do not appear to have escaped the notice of the
members of the Permanent Mandates Commission who have thoroughly
studied (though unfortunately they were unable to bring their
recommendations home) the proposal of the British Government for the
premature emancipation of Iraq, and they were reluctant to do so as the
minutes of the twenty-first session of the Permanent Mandates
Commission (page 98) held at Geneva from October 26th to
November 13, 1931, indicate for a reference to this important of the
Shi'a was made in the following sense.
"M. Palacios noted
that the King and Prime Minister were Sunnis. He asked whether the
Shi's had free access to parliament and what was the political effect
of the antagonism between the two sects. The Commission had dwelt with
the question at previous sessions."
Sir Francis Humphrys
representing the Mandatory Power replies: "that the cabinet always
included one Shi'a and that there were several Shi'a members of
Parliament. In Iraq, the two sects were fairly evenly divided."
Reading Sir Francis'
statement with the protest of the Shi'a and bearing mind the
ill-feeling and discontent which is prevailing, Sir Francis does not
appear to be a good judge, and it is feared that history will repeat
itself as it did in Palestine. In this connection the remarks of M.
Orts, the Belgian member of the Mandates Commission are worth-while
recording. He said:"Admittedly, it had always been the rule of the
commission to place confidence in the Mandatory Powers; but Mandatory
Powers might be mistaken, particularly as regarded the public spirit
prevailing in the territories under their mandate. In Palestine, for
instance, the Mandatory Power had been completely misled as to the
feelings of the population. Four weeks before the 1929 massacres it was
still declaring, through the accredited representative, that the
country was quite calm and that it would be able to maintain order, if
necessary. The Commission was aware how events had belied that
assurance. The Commission could only assume direct responsibility with
regard to the actual situation in Iraq, if it possessed other means of
investigation û for instance, if it were able to study the
situation on the spot."
I will now attempt to
make extracts from the protest (Original in Arabic translated by the
author) of the Shi'a and will leave the reader to draw his own
conclusions.
"Ten years have
elapsed since the formation of the Iraqi government. The administration
is in the hands of certain individuals who share the power between
themselves by the occasional changing of hands, thus distributing the
government resources and revenues to their friends and companions.
Whereas we who, in the eyes of the foreign powers represent the
majority, are deprived, alas, of even a morsel of bread in a country on
whose soil we live, and where our fathers and forefathers lived free
and respected. All this is the result of those individuals'
encroachment upon us, forcibly taking our lands and settling in our
midst the savages of the desert, with a view of merging us into their
group, obliging us to bow to their will and commands so as to dispose
of us at their whims and interests. They are the same people who
intrigued against the Turkish Government, excited the hatred of the
army of occupation, and they are still knocking at all doors in order
to foster hatred and enmity. All this they are able to do as the power
is in their hands. No Shiite head of department or man of influence is
to be found in any of the overcrowded government departments, whether
executive or administrative. They, on the other hand, are enjoying the
resources of the government whilst we are suffering under miserable
oppression, and are disgusted with this unfortunate existence never
experienced under the former governments.
"This gang (King
Faisal and his Ministers are implied) of individuals, by deceiving the
British Government, have succeeded in laying their hands on our Awqaf
(Religious legacies bequeathed for charitable purposes) lands, trade
and even our cemeteries. Our lives have thus become threatened; our
properties forced from us; our existence is in danger; and the
districts inhabited by the Shiite majority are completely neglected in
every respect, whether from the point of view of education, health or
public works. On the other hand, the districts inhabited by a majority
of their creed are in constant progress of improvement as regards
public works, education, agriculture, trade, etc. The cost of such
improvement is obtained from our labours, the 'sweat of our brow', our
resources and the taxes collected from us by their government.
"A comparison in the
number of schools in the North and those in the South where the
majority is Shiite will at once reveal a conspicuous and wide
difference. This equally applies to agriculture, trade, health and
public works. Our demands whether for grants of agricultural lands or
in other respects are completely ignored, but such grants are
unhesitatingly made to their class of effendis and officials so as to
have an unshakable hold on us for election purposes, thus assuring
themselves of a majority in the Chamber of Deputies, whereasùas
is well known to everybodyùnot a single Shiite has been elected
to represent any of the northern districts ever since the formation of
the Chamber . On the other hand, our liwas only produce one or two
Shiite deputies for each liwa, and such cases are of constant
occurrence.
"The cabinet which is
usually composed of seven ministers includes only one Shiite minister
of no importance and he may be better termed as 'political attache'
with no influence whatsoever. Ever since the formation of this
government not one Shiite minister has ever been appointed to a
ministry of importance such as Interior, but they have given us û
thank to God û the Ministry of Education and here again the
person chosen is a stop gap, as he is a nonentity. This is what we have
gained from the kindness of the Iraq government whose majority we form.
"The oppression we
have and are still undergoing at their hands, such as unjustifiable
imprisonment and exile, the outraging of all that we hold sacred, the
ill-treatment publicly of our notable and chiefs without rhyme or
reason, the imposing of heavy fines under various pretenses, the
collection of heavy taxes and the employment of different methods for
our impoverishment and insults, compel us to call a blessing on the
past. In order to veil these high crimes from the Iraqi public and to
enable them to safely execute their plans and play their different
roles on the stage of their ministries and departments, they throw the
blame on the shoulders of the British.
"At every stage they
enact harsh laws which no other tyrannical government has ever enacted,
and this is to deprive us of our freedom and rights. They have gone so
far as to dare to deport our Ulama (learned men) and they have adopted
a policy of creating dissensions by pursuing the maximum 'divide and
rule', thus creating differences, antagonism and hatred between our
tribal chiefs. This they are achieving through their policy of land
distribution by depriving the rightful owners of their lands.
"The despotism
experienced by our children at the hands of their teachers, the sowing
of the seeds of dissension and the exciting of our communal sentiments,
all tend to indicate to us that a plot is on foot for the extermination
and the crushing of our community. A detailed analysis of their past
actions, such as the murder of innocent souls in the incidents at the
Holy cities of Kerbela, Kadhimain and Najaf would require volumes to
record, and such actions are incompatible with justice and conscience.
"The number of Shiites
in government service does not exceed the number of fingers of one
hand, and even these employees are, moreover, tied down and threatened.
They have no stable or high positions, despite their intelligence and
capability which would merit them to handle senior government posts,
but unfortunately, they are treated as if they are not of this country
and do not possess the right of holding government appointments.
"As the result of the
above treatment which we did not experience even in the dark ages, in
spite of the fact that we are living in a period known as the century
of light, we feel that our fate is neither more nor less than that of
the milch cow which gives its milk to others.
"As for them, they
have free access to the treasury funds most of which are realized from
our toils as we have already stated above. Such funs are spent on their
pleasures and their numerous travels from which the country has derived
no benefit. In addition to their acts of oppression, had the sum
extracted from excessive taxation with which this community is burdened
and which they lavish on their pleasures, been spent for the relief of
the miserable ones of this community, the evil would have been less.
"The leading members
of this gang draw enormous salaries such as the leaders of the richest
and most advanced countries do not receive, in addition to the numerous
embezzlements of government funds which they always manage to hide
between them. They have passed a Pension Law securing for them eternal
rights, without any advantage to the Shiite community. The Pension
allotment absorb one-third of the State receipts, such allotments being
distributed among themselves so that each of them has become rich and
happy.
"Now that things have
reached their climax, the case of Iraq having come within the scope of
the League of Nations, and our case becoming of vital importance
touching as it does our interests, trade, livelihood and future, it is
not possible for us to be patient or bear it in silence."
Copies of the above
protest were sent to:
The League of
Nations, Geneva
The British Foreign
Office
The Chairman, Chamber
of Deputies, Teheran
The Foreign Office of
the Turkish Republic, Angora
The British High
Commissioner at Baghdad
The Chairman, House
of Commons, London
The Near East, London
Al 'Urfan Saia,
Lebanon*
Shafaq Sarkh, Teheran
Many of the magazines
To other civilized
countries
The American
Consul-General, Baghdad
The Turkish
Consul-General, Baghdad
*Al 'Urfan which is a
Shiite magazine gave wide circulation to the protest from which I
obtained a copy. If some copies of the protest did not reach their
destination, it would be due to postal censorship.
The Kurds
The Kurdish proverb
says:-
"Ni Hushtar Haiwan Ni
Arab Insan
"Neither the camel is
an animal
Nor is the Arab a
human being"
The Kurds who inhabit
the three northern liwas of artificial Iraq, via Sulaimaniyah (the
center of Kurdish nationalism), Arbil and kirkuk Liwas on the Turkish
and Persian borders, together with about 80,000 Kurds in the Mosul
Liwa, and about a similar number in the Diyalah and Kut Liwas, number
some eight hundred thousand. In Sulaimaniyah, for instance, Count
Telski's Commission found only one Arab shopkeeper. The Kurds have
revolted several times with the sole object of recovering their
national rights officially acknowledged (but unfortunately denied) in a
proclamation issued by both the British and Arab Governments. The
Kurds, though Moslems, are not Arabs. This is the last thing they want
to be. The difference between the two is like that between the angel
and the devil. The Kurd far from being fanatic is tolerant if left
alone. The Kurds enjoyed a wide measure of autonomy long before the
Arab dreamt of any self-government. Their villages have been devastated
by constant aerial bombardment and time-delayed-bombs have been used
against them. Tons of explosives were poured over them by the British
planes in order to support the despised authority of Faisal and his
government.
Since the war, the
Kurds, especially those in southern Iraq, have been very friendly to
the non-Moslems, but the malicious policy planned in Baghdad and
supplied by the Arab provincial officials of setting them against the
non-Moslems was the sole cause for certain incidents that have occurred
between the two friendly elements. The report issued by the British
Colonial Office on the progress of Iraq for the years 1920-1931 (p.277)
admits that Baghdad was the root of all such regrettable incidents.
Hafsa Khanim, the wife
of Qadir Agha who is the brother of Sheik Mahmur Barzanji, the famous
Kurdish revolutionist, informed me in 1930 when Sheik Mahmud was in
revolt, (only to be suppressed by British aeroplanes and British
diplomacy) that a time will come "when the lousy Arab Government is no
longer supported by the British and then we shall see whether or not he
Arab can put his foot in Kurdistan". I believe her.
The last Kurdish
revolt led by Sheik Ahmad of Barzan was again suppressed by the British
on the 22nd of June 1932. The last words of Sheik Ahmad to
Captain V. Holt, the oriental secretary to the British High
Commissioner for Iraq, who had gone up to persuade the Sheik to accept
"bright personal concessions" and lay down his arms, were:
"It is more honourable
for me to surrender to my open enemy, the Turk, rather than to an
hypocrite friend (The British Government is implied) or to be a slave.
(Faisal is implied). Sheik Ahmad is t the moment of writing in Mosul
and he is being made to sign declaration of loyalty (sic) to his
Majesty King Faisal in support of the Iraq sacred unity.
Some of the Kurds are
being given injections of morphine to 'keep silent', but I am sure that
Faisal and his Government know that Kurdistan is a bitter pill to
swallow, and that the valiant sons of Kurdistan who have already shed
no little of their blood will know how and when to throw off from their
shoulders the yoke of the Arabs. I am also sure of the Kurdish ability
and patriotism to do so successfully, but again everything depends on
the British who had so many engagements with the Kurds for the simple
reason of upholding the impossible authority of Faisal. The attitude of
the Kurds vis-à-vis the King of Iraq, and the alleged Iraqi
unity, can be summed up as follows and as was recorded in the British
report on the administration of Iraq for the period October 1920--March
1922.
"A scheme for the
division of Iraq into 10 liwas, 35 Qadhas and 85 Nahiyahs, closely
following the lines of the former Turkish organization, was passed on
December 12th, and received my approval with certain
reservations regarding the Kurdish districts, which the Council,
unmindful of restrictions imposed by the Treaty of Sevres, had treated
on the same basis as the rest of Iraqà"
Dealing with the
electoral law, the report states:
"Neither did it
contain any recognition of the safeguards to which under the Treaty of
Secres the Kurdish communities of Iraq were entitledàIn
accordance with the policy agreed upon t the Cairo Conference, shortly
after my return I proceeded to ascertain the wishes of the Kurdish
districts, which lay within the area of the British Mandate, with
regard to inclusion in the Iraq State, and on May 6th a
communication on the subject was circulated by the Advisers in the
Mosul, Kirkuk and Sulaimaniyah divisions. I pointed out that from such
information as had reached me it would appear the opinion in the
Kurdish district was divided between fear lest their interests should
Baghdad and a desire to maintain the Iraq economic and industrial ties
which it would be inconvenient to severàThe Sulaimaniyah liwa
decided not to take part in the election of a King for IraqàIn
kurkuk, while the candidature of the Amir was rejected, there was no
consensus of opinion as to an alternative. The Kurdish section asked
for a Kurdish Government. Ultimately a petition was presented to me
asking that the division might be given a year's grace before coming to
a decisionàIn the presence of representatives of all local
communities and of deputations from every liwa of Iraq, except
Sulaimaniyah and Kirkuk, I proclaimed H.H. the Amir Faisal to have been
duly elected King of Iraq and announced his recognition as by His
Britannic Majesty's Government. On the Kurdish side, the Kemalists have
had troubles of their own. In January they were forced to take action,
attended with no great success, for the subjection of the Hawerki, and
in October they attacked Shernakh with a considerable force, partly
composed of tribes at feud with 'Abdul Rahman Agha, Sheik of Shernakh,
who has been practically independent since the armistice. He has been
at pains to cultivate friendly relations with the British authorities
and on the arrival of the Amir Faisal, he, with other Kurdish leaders,
expressed to the latter their willingness to accept him as King and to
form part of Iraq State under conditions of local autonomy."
"Sulaimaniyah division
rejected almost unanimously, any form of inclusion under the Iraq
government."